Compare: Funding

Joint Learning Network for Universal Health Coverage

The Joint Learning Network for Universal Health Coverage systematically documents the reforms of its member countries and other countries that have expanded health coverage through demand-side financing. The case studies contained in these pages are brief, comparative and modular in nature, describing the key highlights and technical features of each program.


Compare various dimensions of country reform efforts using our interactive tool.


Program Primary source of funding Secondary source of funding Contributing Populations Types of Contributions Funding
Vietnam: Compulsory and Voluntary Health Insurance Schemes
  • General government revenues
  • None
  • Formal Sector
  • Premiums

The central Vietnamese government is responsible for financing the bulk of the cost. Provincial governments, however, also contribute a smaller percentage of funds to the program. Poor beneficiaries do not pay premiums and are exempt from copayments. The entire cost of the scheme, 4.5% of minimum wage, is covered by revenues from the state budget.

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The central Vietnamese government is responsible for financing the bulk of the cost. Provincial governments, however, also contribute a smaller percentage of funds to the program. Poor beneficiaries do not pay premiums and are exempt from copayments. The entire cost of the scheme, 4.5% of minimum wage, is covered by revenues from the state budget.

Funding for Vietnam’s various universal coverage schemes varies greatly by population segment. The following presents an overview of each program’s financing:

Compulsory program (CHI)

  • Pensioners: 4.5% of monthly allowances, paid by VSS with subsidies from state budget.
  • Meritorious persons, etc.: 4.5% of minimum wage, paid from state budget.
  • Formal sector workers and civil servants: 4.53% salary, 1.5% paid by worker, 3% by employer.
  • Insurance for the Poor: 4.5% of minimum wage, paid from state budget.
  • Voluntary program (VHI): 4.5% of minimum wage.

Note that when the insurance program was initially introduced, there was no cost sharing. In 1998, cost sharing was introduced, with a 20 percent coinsurance rate but no deductible. In 2005, the 20 percent coinsurance rate was eliminated, only to be reintroduced again since January 1, 2010. Copayment is exempted for some groups, such as people of merit.

Estonia: Estonian Health Insurance Fund
  • Payroll Tax
  • Formal Sector
  • Government Employees
  • Premiums
  • Co-payments

Estonian health care is funded through a Social Health Insurance regime where contributions are paid by salaried and self-employed workers, who contribute 13% of their wages to the system. The earmarked payroll tax is collected by the Estonian Tax and Customs Board. The tax board then transfers the health contribution to the EHIF. This system has a strong element of solidarity, as 46% of enrollees are non-contributing members and are subsidized by those who contribute. All enrollees are entitled to the same benefits package.

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Estonian health care is funded through a Social Health Insurance regime where contributions are paid by salaried and self-employed workers, who contribute 13% of their wages to the system. The earmarked payroll tax is collected by the Estonian Tax and Customs Board. The tax board then transfers the health contribution to the EHIF. This system has a strong element of solidarity, as 46% of enrollees are non-contributing members and are subsidized by those who contribute. All enrollees are entitled to the same benefits package.

The Estonian Health Insurance Fund is the primary financing entity. It is responsible for pooling funds, contracting with service providers, reimbursing health services and pharmaceuticals, and reimbursing sick leave and maternity benefits. In 2006, approximately 20% of EHIF expenditures went toward cash benefits such as health related work incapacity compensation, as well as dental care and prescription reimbursements. In the same year, approximately 70% of expenditures went toward payment of services such as preventative and curative health and pharmaceuticals and medical devices. EHIF also funds disease prevention and health promotion programs.

Funds are disbursed to the four regional EHIF offices on a per capita basis based on the number of insured in the region. The per capita payments for primary care are adjusted based on the age structure of the region, but payments for all other health services are not adjusted. Once the regional EHIF offices receive their funds, they have some flexibility in their allocation. This is especially useful, as the planning of health service provider contracts is conducted by the regional offices.

The EHIF is liable for all of its obligations, so it cannot declare bankruptcy. However, if social health insurance revenues are lower than budgeted, the state becomes responsible for the shortfall. Also, if the government establishes prices such that the EHIF cannot meet its contractual obligations, then the state becomes responsible. In order to ensure solvency, the EHIF has a cash reserve to manage daily cash flows, a legal reserve to decrease the risk of macroeconomic changes, equivalent to 6% of the budget, and a risk reserve to ensure that health insurance obligations are met, equivalent to 2% of the budget. EHIF revenues have exceeded expenditures every year since the reforms except 1999, when an economic crisis significantly reduced revenues.

Estonian Health Financing Flows

Out-of-Pocket payments have been the most rapidly increasing sources of financing, increasing from 7.5% of total health financing in 1995 to 24% in 2006. OOP payments flow mainly toward cost sharing for EHIF benefits, payments for services outside of the EHIF benefits package, payments to non-EHIF providers, and to informal payments. However, the primary reason for the increase in OOP has been the dual increase in pharmaceutical use and dental care expenditures that are not a part of the benefits package.

Table 1: Share of Primary Sources of Health Care Financing (1995-2006)

Source of financing19952000200520062007
Public89.876.476.773.775.6
Taxes (state and municipal)12.410.410.511.211.4
Social health insurance77.466.066.262.564.2
Private7.523.323.025.623.3
OOP Payments7.519.720.423.821.9
Private health insurance0.01.00.31.10.3
Other0.02.62.30.71.1
External sources2.70.30.30.61.1

Source: Ministry of Social Affairs, 1999-2006

There are no copayments for family doctor visits, but other services have small copayments. Prescription drugs normally have a deductible as well as a coinsurance of percentage. Flat small copayments are charged on family doctor home visits, outpatient care visits, and hospital bed days. There has been a gradual move toward an elimination of patient cost sharing for primary care. Outpatient specialist care has a maximum consultation fee, but providers can choose to charge any amount up to the maximum. Inpatient care providers can charge a per diem rate (maximum is set by EHIF) for up to ten days. However, inpatient child care, pregnancies, and emergency care are exempt from this per diem rate.

Colombia: General System of Social Security in Health
  • Payroll Tax
  • General government revenues
  • Employer contributions
  • Formal Sector
  • Government Employees
  • Informal Sector
  • Premiums
  • Co-payments

Two different funding streams for insurance currently exist within the Colombian health system. The Contributive Regime (CR) relies on wage contributions for its sustainability. The Subsidized Regime (SR), however, relies on three distinct funding mechanisms.

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Two different funding streams for insurance currently exist within the Colombian health system. The Contributive Regime (CR) relies on wage contributions for its sustainability. The Subsidized Regime (SR), however, relies on three distinct funding mechanisms.

Under the CR, employees and the self-employed (informal workers above a set income threshold) pay 12.5% of their salaries to EPSs, which are then responsible for transferring the funds to FOSYGA. In turn, FOSYGA remits a UPC back to the EPS to cover the premium of the insured. The UPC initially adjusted risk based on three variables: age, gender, and geographic location. The premium and risk adjusters are modified yearly by the National Board of Health Social Security (CNSSS). By 2006 the board had introduced risk adjusters for End-Stage Renal Disease and other adjusters have been introduced since. When patients receive services, the EPS handles all payment transactions with the exception of copayments. From 2007 to 2008, CR revenues increased by 12.75%, which indicates an expansion of the CR and a move toward greater coverage.

There are three primary funding mechanisms for the SR: 1) national transfers from general taxation providing for 48% of SR resources, 2) solidarity contributions from the CR that are transferred by FOSYGA providing for 40%, and 3) district and municipal efforts providing for 11% of SR funds. National transfers are pooled under the Subsidized Regime’s System of General Participation (SGP) which is responsible for allocating resources to the different districts and municipalities across the country. The solidarity contribution from the CR is transferred by FOSYGA directly to the municipalities. The municipality then transfers the UPC to an EPSS of the patient’s choosing. In 1997 there were over 200 EPSS, but by 2005 there were only 43 EPSS, of which 28% were private for profit, 16% were private not-for-profit, 14% were public, 36% were community based, and 6% were for indigenous populations. The subsidized regime UPC is approximately 60% of the contributing regime UPC, which is in line with the reduced number of services offered within the SR. As with EPSs, the EPSS is responsible for payment transactions with service providers for their members.

Finally, supply-side subsidies to public hospitals/providers and public health programs are paid for by national transfers from general taxes. These funds flow into the SGP, which is then responsible for their disbursement.

Chile: National Health Fund (FONASA)
  • General government revenues
  • Payroll Tax
  • Member contributions
  • Formal Sector
  • Government Employees
  • Informal Sector
  • Premiums
  • Co-payments

Monthly beneficiary contributions make up one third of FONASA funding, while half of FONASAs resources come from national coffers. The remainder is made up of operating income and copayments. FONASA is progressive in its funding mechanisms. Government subsidies are well targeted, with 90% directed to the indigent and 7.5% directed to low-income individuals. Furthermore, between 32% and 40% of high-income earner contributions cross-subsidize care for poorer beneficiaries.

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Monthly beneficiary contributions make up one third of FONASA funding, while half of FONASAs resources come from national coffers. The remainder is made up of operating income and copayments. FONASA is progressive in its funding mechanisms. Government subsidies are well targeted, with 90% directed to the indigent and 7.5% directed to low-income individuals. Furthermore, between 32% and 40% of high-income earner contributions cross-subsidize care for poorer beneficiaries.

Primary health is free for all who enroll with FONASA. Hospital and ambulatory care under the Institutional Modality, however, require copayments that are determined by the income group in which the patient is classified. Group A (the indigent) and B (low income) receive free care, while group C pays 10% of the cost of the service and group D pays 20%. When enrollees undergo three family health events that require medical attention, those in groups D or C are transferred to groups C and B respectively. Catastrophic Insurance under FONASA is fully covered for patients who elect the Institutional Modality in accredited public hospitals. Furthermore, under the Free Election Modality, FONASA beneficiaries in groups B, C, and D can obtain a partial voucher from FONASA by making an out-of-packet payment for private health care from accredited providers.

Resources for FONASA to cover the cost of the AUGE plan come from a temporary increase in the consumer tax from 18% to 19%, a tobacco tax, customs revenues, and the sale of the state’s minority shares in public health enterprises. The AUGE Plan only takes up 23% of the general budget set aside for service provision. AUGE services are free for those in categories A and B. Enrollees in categories C and D must in principle pay a copayment equal to 20% of the cost of the service. After a yearly copayment limit based on income is reached, 100% of services are covered for those in categories C and D. To date, however, copayments have seldom been collected.

ISAPRE funding stems from the 7% monthly enrollee income contribution. Beneficiaries are also free to make additional contributions in order to purchase additional coverage. ISAPREs spend ten times more on per capita administration than FONASA, and despite the better health of its enrollees, they spend two times more on health care services per member. The average copayment under the ISAPREs was 35% in 2004. Although ISAPREs enrolled 22% of the population in 2004 they accounted for 43% of all health expenditures. Part of the reason for the higher expenditures is that ISAPREs rely almost exclusively on private providers that have higher cost and prices compared to public providers. These prices can be maintained because ISAPRE beneficiaries perceive the quality of private providers to be superior to the quality of public providers that are financed by FONASA.

Figure 1 highlights the primary financial flows within the Chilean health system. The top half of the figure includes the resource flows for FONASA and the bottom half demonstrates resource flows for ISAPREs.

 Financial flows within the Chilean health system

: Taiwan: National Health Insurance
  • Member contributions
  • General government revenues
  • Employer contributions
  • Formal Sector
  • Government Employees
  • Informal Sector
  • Premiums
  • Co-payments

Revenue for the National Health Insurance (NHI) system comes primarily from individual payroll deductions and employer contributions, supplemented by governmental funds from general revenue. A small proportion of revenue also comes from a “sin tax” on cigarette sales. The working population pays premiums that are split with employers while non-working individuals pay a flat rate which is subsidized by the government.

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Revenue for the National Health Insurance (NHI) system comes primarily from individual payroll deductions and employer contributions, supplemented by governmental funds from general revenue. A small proportion of revenue also comes from a “sin tax” on cigarette sales. The working population pays premiums that are split with employers while non-working individuals pay a flat rate which is subsidized by the government. The share of premiums paid by the insured, employers, and government varies greatly within the different population subgroups and also varies based on how many dependents an individual has. For public or private employees the government pays 10%, the employer 60%, and the employee 30% through a payroll deduction. The non-poor self-employed pay 100% of their income-based premium without a government subsidy. For the poor who are unable to pay the premium and for military personnel, the government subsidizes 100% of the premium from general government revenues.

Ratio of Financial Resources for Final NHE

In 2002, the Supreme Court in Taiwan ruled that no one could be denied care because of lack of ability to pay. For those temporarily unable to pay, the Bureau of National Health Insurance (BNHI) has a fund from which such people may take out interest-free loans to pay premiums. Taiwan’s economy has advanced to a stage where most workers were employed in the formal sector, so a compulsory NHI can effectively collect premiums through employers. The government also has the revenue to subsidize the coverage of the poor, veterans, and farmers. Taiwan also has the organizational ability and human resources to manage national health insurance.

The premiums are supplemented by out-of-pocket payments. Regular office visits have co-payments that are fixed and unvaried by the person’s income in the realm of about 10% of the cost of an inpatient visit—adjusted according to type of wards and length of stay—and 20% for an outpatient visit. Both co-payments and premiums are waived for the very poor and veterans. To help cope with NHI budget pressures, patient cost sharing increased in 2001 and again in 2002 for certain kinds of visits, drugs, inpatient care, lab tests and examinations. These copayments are unvaried by income to avoid the burden of administering a complex individual income-related-cost-sharing program. Though out-of-pocket payments fell from 48% of the total amount spent on health care in 1993 to 30% in 2000, critics still argue that the copayments are regressive, putting the burden primarily on the sick that are already disadvantaged and are often poor.

Average Medical Care Expenditure per Person

Kenya: National Hospital Insurance Fund
  • Payroll Tax
  • Member contributions
  • Employer contributions
  • Formal Sector
  • Government Employees
  • Informal Sector
  • Premiums
  • Co-payments

The National Hospital Insurance Fund (NHIF) requires compulsory membership for all salaried employees with premium contributions automatically deducted through payroll. Contributions are calculated on a graduated scale based on income, with a majority contributing between KES 30 to KES 320 per month. For the self-employed and others in the informal sector, membership is contributory and is available for a fixed premium of 160 KES per month.

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The National Hospital Insurance Fund (NHIF) requires compulsory membership for all salaried employees with premium contributions automatically deducted through payroll. Contributions are calculated on a graduated scale based on income, with a majority contributing between KES 30 to KES 320 per month. For the self-employed and others in the informal sector, membership is contributory and is available for a fixed premium of 160 KES per month.

A new proposed measure has been gazetted in June 2010 that will see the first increase in premiums to the NHIF in almost two decades. This to between KES 150 to KES 2,000 per month, depending on income, with approximately 46,000 of the highest paid formal sector employees paying the maximum amount. Under this proposed change, premium payments for those in the informal sector would rise from KES 160 to KES 500 per month. Finally, under the proposed changes, other sectors of the government, development agencies, philanthropic organizations and other well-wishers would be able to purchase NHIF cover for indigent populations for a rate of KES 300 per person per month. Proposed changes are currently under judicial review and have not yet been implemented.

NHIF funding and payments to providers exist alongside supply-side payments from the government directly to public sector providers. In essence, the salaries of most physicians and other health workers are still paid via supply-side payments, with NHIF payments typically going toward facility charges, drugs, supplies and consumables, and other types of overhead.

Total health expenditure in Kenya, 2000 and 2006

2000 (US$)2006 (US$)
Total health expenditure726,433,040964,357,613
Source2000 (%)2006 (%)
Public (Central and Local Government)29.629.3
Private (Household and OOP)5439.3
Donors (Local and International)16.431
Other0.10.4

Source: Kenya Ministry of Health, 2009

Overall, Kenya spends approximately 5% of its GDP on health. There are 3 major sources of financing for the health care system: the government (both central and local); private contributions; and donors. Donor contributions to the health sector have been steadily increasing from 8% of the health budget in 2000 to 36% in 2008. Traditionally, donor funding has been allocated directly to specific programs, limiting the flexibility of the MOH to reallocate donor assistance to fit government priorities.

Public funding comes primarily from taxation, and allocations from the Ministry of Health (MOH), local governments, and parastatal organizations. Funding flows from the Ministry of Health (MOH) to the district level District Health Management Boards (DHMBs) and District Health Management Teams (DHMTs) and supplemented by local government, revolving funds, and user fees. Since the 1970s, the real financing allocations to the public sector have declined, and in 2008 the MOH only spent approximately USD $11.80 per capita, well below the WHO recommended spending level of USD $34 per capita. This lack of funding is largely because tax revenues have proven to be an unreliable source of health finance. To fill the funding gap, MOH has pursued a policy of cost sharing, which places a higher burden for financing on out-of-pocket expenditures in both absolute terms and as a percentage of the health budget. This poses a serious financing issue for the 56% of the population who are considered poor. In 2004, the government attempted to minimize cost sharing through the institution of a “10/20” policy, in which local health facilities only charge 10 or 20 KES for curative care; this has decreased out-of-pocket expenditures from 54% of THE in 2000 to about 36% in 2009.

Mexico: Seguro Popular
  • General government revenues
  • Member contributions
  • Informal Sector
  • Premiums

The SP is financed by the federal government, the state government, and enrollees. The federal and state governments fund a social solidarity contribution while enrolled families contribute a premium that is tied to income. Families in the two lowest income deciles and those in the third lowest decile with a child under five years of age are not required to contribute, conditional on their participation in health promotion activities. Annual family contributions range from $60 USD for families in the third lowest decile to $950 USD for families in the highest decile. Family premiums are collected at the state level, where they remain to be used to fund the essential benefits package.

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The SP is financed by the federal government, the state government, and enrollees. The federal and state governments fund a social solidarity contribution while enrolled families contribute a premium that is tied to income. Families in the two lowest income deciles and those in the third lowest decile with a child under five years of age are not required to contribute, conditional on their participation in health promotion activities. Annual family contributions range from $60 USD for families in the third lowest decile to $950 USD for families in the highest decile. Family premiums are collected at the state level, where they remain to be used to fund the essential benefits package.

Federal funding for the SP takes the form of two distinct contributions to the states—the social contribution and the solidarity contribution. The social contribution by the federal government is a fixed allocation per enrolled family and is periodically adjusted for inflation. The SP federal contribution comes from general taxes. The federal solidarity contribution is meant to redress the large differences in development between the states. It is 1.5 times the social contribution and is generally larger for poorer states. The solidarity contribution is based on a formula that considers a per family fixed component, a health-needs adjusted component, a component aimed at promoting additional state contributions, and a component based on health system performance. The goal of this resource transfer mechanism is to make up for historical imbalances and inequities, to respond to the needs of different population groups, and to provide incentives for performance and affiliation. The formula weights and the indicators used in the formula are updated annually.

The state contribution is similar in all the states, equaling approximately half of the federal social contribution. The family contribution is determined on a sliding-scale, with the goal that no family should contribute more than a fair share based on its ability to pay. Ability to pay has been defined as disposable income, which is total household spending minus spending on food. The family contribution equals a fixed proportion of disposable income, with a maximum of 5%. Income deciles three through nine have a nominal contribution, while the tenth decile has two levels of contribution due to the variable nature of the income distribution. As of 2008, 97% of families made no premium contributions. Likewise, states have also failed to pay their full share of the premium.

  Seguro Popular Budget by Type of Contribution, 2004-2007

The framework of the reform creates certain paradoxes in its implementation. The percentage of families that are eligible to enroll in SP varies by state. The population of the northern industrialized states tends to have high levels of social security membership, whereas the population of poor southern states tends to have low levels of social security membership. This means that poor states with weak tax-based incomes must enroll a much higher percentage of their population out of state coffers compared to rich states with stronger tax bases. This appears to perpetuate inequality in health care delivery on a geographical basis. Because poorer states have the largest proportion of both the poor and the uninsured, and because the state contributions to the SP are established on a per-enrolled family basis, poorer states have to make a higher contribution than wealthier states, leading to increased geographical inequity. Therefore, federal resources are based on both a per-enrolled family fee plus a solidarity supplement for poorer states to help mitigate some of the adverse budgetary effects that stem from a large population of poor households.

The National Commission for Social Protection in Health (CNPSS) has established that states must target a maximum of 30% of their resources to purchase medications, 40% to contract personnel, and 20% for activities of health promotion, early detection, and prevention. Once the requirements for the transfer of resources have been met, funds are sent to the State Finances Secretariat. Before 2007, funds were transferred directly to the State Health Secretariats. The change was established due to the reporting requirements of the State Finance Secretariats, leading to increased transparency, as well as improving the registration and use of resources at the state level. Resources are transferred to the states every three months.

Since 2004, resources transferred to the Social Health Protection System have increased by an average of 11.5% annually in real terms, thereby reducing the gap between IMSS health expenditures and the expenditures of the Ministry of Health.

  Health Spending by the Ministry of Health and the Social Security Institutions, 2000-2010

From 2001 to 2003, the growth rate in per capita expenditures on public health for the uninsured population averaged 5.2%. Conversely, during the first few years of the reform from 2004 to 2006, this growth rate nearly doubled to 12.3% per year. From 2001 to 2006, public expenditure for the uninsured increased by 61% overall. Since the implementation of SP, public health expenditure increased from 43.8% of total health expenditure in 2002 to 46.4% in 2006. This trend of growing public health expenditures is expected to continue.

Thailand: Universal Coverage Scheme
  • General government revenues
  • None
  • None

The Universal Coverage Scheme (UCS) is financed through general tax revenues paid to local contracting units on the basis of population size. The UCS reform raised public health spending from about 66.25 billion Baht in 2000-01 to 72.78 billion Baht in 2001-02. In recent years, the government has responded to criticisms claiming that UCS is underfinanced by raising the budget for the scheme.

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The Universal Coverage Scheme (UCS) is financed through general tax revenues paid to local contracting units on the basis of population size. The UCS reform raised public health spending from about 66.25 billion Baht in 2000-01 to 72.78 billion Baht in 2001-02. In recent years, the government has responded to criticisms claiming that UCS is underfinanced by raising the budget for the scheme.

General tax revenue was decided as the source of funding for the UCS because of the political urgency and focus on nationwide scale-up. The target population for the scheme is largely in the informal, agricultural sector and does do not have access to consistent cash income for any kind of regular premium payment, therefore making premium collection difficult.

A copayment of Baht 30 was also implemented. This copayment was exempted for low income people, children below 12 years old and the elderly (i.e., those above 60 years old). While this copayment did not reflect the marginal cost of interventions, it did prevent overuse.

The 30 Baht copayment was abolished in November 2006 for political reasons. However, abolition of the 30 Baht copayment had no effect on overall utilization of out-patient services. This is likely because the majority of beneficiaries have been already exempted from the copayment.

The UCS reform raised public health spending from about 66.25 billion Baht in 2000-01 to 72.78 billion Baht in 2001-02. Thus, the reform cost US $175 million. The overall budget for UCS has increased to 82.02 billion (18%) and 91.36 billion (10%) in the years 2006 and 2007 respectively.

Co-financing arrangements for the scheme are currently being considered—for example, one proposal suggests partial or non-subsidization of medical care costs for beneficiaries who decide to stay in a private room.