Compare: Provider payment mechanisms

Joint Learning Network for Universal Health Coverage

The Joint Learning Network for Universal Health Coverage systematically documents the reforms of its member countries and other countries that have expanded health coverage through demand-side financing. The case studies contained in these pages are brief, comparative and modular in nature, describing the key highlights and technical features of each program.


Compare various dimensions of country reform efforts using our interactive tool.


Program Provider Payment Mechanisms Provider payment mechanisms
Colombia: General System of Social Security in Health
  • Fee-for-service
  • Capitation

EPSs and EPSSs are free to establish payment levels and payment mechanisms for services that they purchase from providers. Both entities have used the fee schedules, adjusted for inflation, developed by the pre-reform public health plans as ceilings for price negotiations. As of 2008, provider associations were forcefully seeking the establishment of price floors by the MPS.

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EPSs and EPSSs are free to establish payment levels and payment mechanisms for services that they purchase from providers. Both entities have used the fee schedules, adjusted for inflation, developed by the pre-reform public health plans as ceilings for price negotiations. As of 2008, provider associations were forcefully seeking the establishment of price floors by the MPS.

There are two payment mechanisms common to both EPSs and EPSSs. In general, preventive and primary care services are contracted on a capitation basis. Most specialist and hospital care, however, is paid for either on a fee-for-service basis or by a services package.

The CR and SR enrollees must also pay copayments, which vary according to an individual’s income. CR copayments are charged according to salary income. Enrollees with salaries lower than 2 minimum monthly salaries (mms) have a maximum copayment of USD46.70 annually. The maximum copayment for enrollees with incomes in the range of 2-5 mms is USD 195.20 annually. Finally, enrollees with incomes greater than 5 mms have a maximum copayment of USD390.30 annually. SR copayments are set according to SISBEN category. The poorest enrollees, who are classified in category 1, pay co copayments. On the opposite end of the scale, enrollees classified in category 3 pay 10% of the service value.

Kyrgyz Republic: Mandatory Health Insurance Fund (MHIF)
  • Capitation
  • Diagnosis-Related Groups

Outpatient care is funded through capitation-based payments while hospital services are funded through case-based payments. The capitation formula for primary care is adjusted by coefficients for rural, small towns, and mountainous areas. This leads to cross-subsidization across geographical boundaries.

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Outpatient care is funded through capitation-based payments while hospital services are funded through case-based payments. The capitation formula for primary care is adjusted by coefficients for rural, small towns, and mountainous areas. This leads to cross-subsidization across geographical boundaries. The base primary care capitation rate (before adjustment coefficients) is based on two variables, the estimated number of enrollees that are expected to be enrolled in a family group practice over the coming year, and the size of the budget. The case-based payments for hospital services introduced the idea of output-based payments to the Kyrgyz health system. The system for grouping cases, generally called clinical statistical groups, was based on American diagnosis-related-groups, but was created with Kyrgyz utilization and cost data. This new system enabled an expansion of the budget management autonomy of hospital administrators, although hospital autonomy and management capacity is still an issue on the reform agenda.

The republican MHIF and its territorial branches administer the national pool of funds for the SGBP and are responsible for making all case- and capitation-based payments. Per-case payment rates are defined prospectively but payments are made on a monthly basis. In order to avoid provider selection, providers receive higher payments for treating exempt patients and those with lower copayments. A key to the success of the MHIF as the single-payer for the SGBP has been the continuous development and refinement of financial and clinical information systems to operate the provider payment systems and ensure good financial reporting and fiduciary risk mitigation.

Rwanda: Mutuelles de Sante
  • Fee-for-service
  • Capitation

The health insurance system in Rwanda has two main channels for financing: the demand side – the insurance programs, and the supply side – transfers from the treasury to districts and health facilities. On the demand side, services are financed through three main channels: demand-based user payments, demand-based payments from Mutuelles, and demand-based payments from RAMA and MMI.

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The health insurance system in Rwanda has two main channels for financing: the demand side – the insurance programs, and the supply side – transfers from the treasury to districts and health facilities. On the demand side, services are financed through three main channels: demand-based user payments, demand-based payments from Mutuelles, and demand-based payments from RAMA and MMI.

  • Demand Based User Payments: These amount to approximately 20% of total health expenditures in Rwanda. These stem from personal payments for treatment from individuals who have health coverage. Those insured by RAMA and MMI pay 15% upon treatment for all services and pharmaceuticals. Those covered by the Mutuelles system pay 10% for all services.
  • Demand based payments from Mutuelles: Payments are made directly to health facilities based on a fee-for-service or a capitation basis depending on the region.
  • Demand Based payments from RAMA and MMI: Payments are made to the health centers by the insurance system RAMA and MMI on a fee-for-service or a capitation basis. Many of the health centers receive capitation payments, while district and national hospitals are paid on a fee-for-service basis.

On the supply side, financing flows from the central government towards health providers through multiple block grants, which provide hospitals with greater degrees of autonomy.

A key issue on the supply-side financing is the equity of the needs based transfers against the historical criteria. The government hopes to progressively move towards increasing the importance of needs-based transfers and decreasing historical transfers.

  • Needs-based transfers are delivered in the form of a monthly block grant from the government to individual district-level health centers, in amounts that are calculated based on a formula which includes population and poverty levels as a weighing factor.
  • Performance based transfers or Pay for performance (PFP), instituted in 2006, links measurable indicators with financial incentives for district level health centers that are paid according to performance, rather than actual costs of service or operation. Hospital budgets are determined prospectively based on an annual value of beds. Each quarter, performance is reviewed by the district level peer review system with indicators that gauge facility outputs, quality, and administration. Based on the scores, each hospital receives payment that correlates to the performance review. Incentives are included for workers in rural areas and hospitals that offer HIV/AIDS services in order to maintain qualified health personnel. Results from independent studies of 16 health centers indicated that income was 22.7% higher and health outcomes improved in health centers that had PFP mechanisms. The same study found that family planning was 28% higher in provinces with PFP.
  • History based transfers delivered from the government to health centers for facilities to maintain their assets.
  • Investment grants which are provided from the government for construction and equipment to health centers
  • Fragmented Donors’ Transfers from a group of bilateral and multi-lateral organizations to specific facilities, some of which are made in kind. Rwanda receives a substantial amount of funding from donors, approximately $700 million per year. Donor funding is generally funneled either through a single framework coordinated by the central government or through NGOs and administrative districts. Of those diverted through NGOs, a large percentage are earmarked for specific purposes such as HIV/AIDS, which creates administrative challenges for the government and often skews the focus of the health system.

A key issue on the supply-side financing is the equity of the needs based transfers against the historical criteria. The government hopes to progressively move towards increasing the importance of needs-based transfers and decreasing historical transfers. In addition, the substantial amount of donor funding incurs high overhead costs and involves a lack of clarity.

: Taiwan: National Health Insurance
  • Fee-for-service
  • Diagnosis-Related Groups
  • Global budgets

Providers obtain their revenues from 3 sources: 1) payments by the NHI; 2) patient user fees and co-payments; and 3) proceeds from the sale of products and services not covered by the NHI.

The government acts as the single-payer system with a uniform payment schedule that has effectively controlled the cost shifting that occurred frequently before the implementation of NHI.

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Providers obtain their revenues from 3 sources: 1) payments by the NHI; 2) patient user fees and co-payments; and 3) proceeds from the sale of products and services not covered by the NHI.

The government acts as the single-payer system with a uniform payment schedule that has effectively controlled the cost shifting that occurred frequently before the implementation of NHI. Initially, NHI providers were paid on a fee-for-service basis, however providers were able to make sizable profits by overprescribing medications and ordering unnecessary procedures, leading to quickly rising per person expenditures. Hospitals in Taiwan reward their staff physicians individually for bringing in revenue, known as a “professional fee,” further encouraging physician-induced over-prescription. The Bureau of National Health Insurance (BNHI) estimates that overuse and misuse of health care may constitute up to a third of BNHI’s expenditures.

Facing the need for cost containment, BNHI introduced a reasonable volume standard for outpatient visits coupled with a sliding fee schedule for visits above the volume standard, which discouraged supply-induced demand and reduced the number of visits per person. BNHI also reduced the high profit margin that clinics and hospitals can obtain from dispensing drugs by reducing the reimbursement rates for drugs, using reference pricing, and encouraging the use of generic drugs. The NHI experimented with different payment systems, such as diagnosis-related groups (DRGs) for hospitals, primary care capitation for certain population groups, and even performance-based payments. DRGs were phased in for the 50 most common diseases and treatments, which effectively reduced the average length-of-stay in hospitals.

The ultimate cost control measure, however, has been the imposition of global budgets for hospital outpatient and inpatient services in 2002. This remains highly controversial because global budgeting incorporates an aggregate fixed sum budget imposed on all hospitals in Taiwan collectively, creating a zero-sum game in which the players cannot effectively police one another. Reimbursement contracts are negotiated with health care providers on a fee-for-service basis with a uniform pay schedule. A deflation mechanism engages once a service quota is reached, resulting in declining reimbursement rates. Under the global budget payment system, the NHI Medical Expenditure Negotiation Committee convenes and negotiates overall caps on total medical payments based on a set of equations and indicators prior to the beginning of a fiscal year.

Along with the implementation of global budgets, the NHI took several measures to control the demand for selected types of health care, such as increasing copayments for high users of drugs and outpatient services. The global budget payment system with these measures has been successful in containing the annual growth in the health insurance system's expenditures with spending growth leveling out at below 5% a year since it was fully implemented in July 2002.

Korea, Rep.: National Health Insurance Program
  • Fee-for-service

Providers have historically been reimbursed by the regulated fee-for-service system since the beginning of the national health insurance program (NHIP). There is no difference between public and private providers from the health insurer side regarding fee schedules or reimbursement rates. The fee-for-service system has led to an increase in volume and intensity of services in the long run. However, because fee regulation is applied to all providers, both public and private, it has contributed to overall cost containment and a rapid extension of population coverage. South Korea has single pooled purchasing, and claim reviews and payments are centralized and monitored by the Ministry of Health and Welfare (MoHW).

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Providers have historically been reimbursed by the regulated fee-for-service system since the beginning of the national health insurance program (NHIP). There is no difference between public and private providers from the health insurer side regarding fee schedules or reimbursement rates. The fee-for-service system has led to an increase in volume and intensity of services in the long run. However, because fee regulation is applied to all providers, both public and private, it has contributed to overall cost containment and a rapid extension of population coverage. South Korea has single pooled purchasing, and claim reviews and payments are centralized and monitored by the Ministry of Health and Welfare (MoHW).

In 1997 the government launched a Diagnosis Related Group Pilot program for voluntary participating health facilities. The pilot program showed positive impacts on the behavior of health providers, such as the reduction in the length of stay, medical expenses, the average number of tests and a decreased use of antibiotics. However, there is strong opposition from providers, which has blocked the extension of DRG as a provider payment mechanism throughout the country.

The pharmaceutical dispensing was separated from prescribing in 2000. This bars pharmacists from selling antibiotics to customers without a prescription. As such, physicians are not allowed to dispense medicines.

Brazil: Unified Health System (SUS)
  • Capitation
  • Diagnosis-Related Groups

Primary care providers at the municipal level are paid on a per capita basis. Transfers from state and federal resources trickle down to the municipal level through streams such as the basic health program (PAB), the PSF, and the PACS.

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Primary care providers at the municipal level are paid on a per capita basis. Transfers from state and federal resources trickle down to the municipal level through streams such as the basic health program (PAB), the PSF, and the PACS.

The same method of provider payments is used for both private and public providers under the SUS. Payments for hospital stays and complex procedures are based on Hospital Stay Authorization (AIH) codes. The AIH payment system is a procedure- or service-based rate system that is not linked to resource usage or costs. Fixed values are established per disease and necessary procedures. Hospitals that undertake complex procedures receive additional resources to maintain their facilities. Ambulatory services are paid by the health funds based on Ambulatory Care Units (UCA) plus an additional fixed amount for each service rendered.

 Brazilian health system in the 1990s

Thailand: Universal Coverage Scheme
  • Capitation

UCS uses capitation as the main provider payment mechanism. Initially, providers were given the option of receiving reimbursements based on either total capitation or capitation for outpatient services and DRG for inpatient services at the provincial level. However, due to the disincentive of paying providers for high-cost care and delays in case referrals, UCS began using a single payment system in 2003.

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UCS uses capitation as the main provider payment mechanism. Initially, providers were given the option of receiving reimbursements based on either total capitation or capitation for outpatient services and DRG for inpatient services at the provincial level. However, due to the disincentive of paying providers for high-cost care and delays in case referrals, UCS began using a single payment system in 2003.

The current payment mechanism for UCS is a mixed system of risk-adjusted capitation for primary care, a DRG-based capped global budget, and fixed rate fees for some services.

It should be noted that health promotion and prevention services for all Thai citizens are paid by the UCS.