The Joint Learning Network for Universal Health Coverage systematically documents the reforms of its member countries and other countries that have expanded health coverage through demand-side financing. The case studies contained in these pages are brief, comparative and modular in nature, describing the key highlights and technical features of each program.
Compare various dimensions of country reform efforts using our interactive tool.
| Program | Target population | Coverage | Population covered |
|---|---|---|---|
| Estonia: Estonian Health Insurance Fund |
|
1.28 million |
Health insurance through EHIF is mandatory. There are three main categories of enrollees:
Health insurance through EHIF is mandatory. There are three main categories of enrollees:
In order to receive services, patients must show their national identification card to providers. An online information system is used to verify that the card is valid and to provide details of insurance status and family doctor. Estonian Health Insurance FundPopulation covered Target Populations: All populations
Coverage Level: 1.28 million Health insurance through EHIF is mandatory. There are three main categories of enrollees:
In order to receive services, patients must show their national identification card to providers. An online information system is used to verify that the card is valid and to provide details of insurance status and family doctor. |
| Colombia: General System of Social Security in Health |
|
40,835,265 |
In both the CR and the SR individuals choose their insurer as well as the provider within the insurer’s network. Enrollment mechanisms between the two systems, however, are quite distinct. While anyone is free to enroll in the CR, it is mandatory for formal sector workers and self-employed workers who earn one minimum salary per month. The CR enrolled 13,335,932 persons in 2001 and 17,234,265 persons in 2008. Read full sectionIn both the CR and the SR individuals choose their insurer as well as the provider within the insurer’s network. Enrollment mechanisms between the two systems, however, are quite distinct. While anyone is free to enroll in the CR, it is mandatory for formal sector workers and self-employed workers who earn one minimum salary per month. The CR enrolled 13,335,932 persons in 2001 and 17,234,265 persons in 2008. Between 1993, when the reform was passed, and 2002, there arose the need to implement monitoring and supervision mechanisms to enforce the enrollment of self-employed workers in the CR. This has largely been achieved through two distinct methods. First, law 797 of 2003 linked pension and health insurance contributions. This affected enrollee evasion, as individuals wishing to have a pension must also have health insurance. It also affected contribution evasion, since the income level used to calculate pension contributions is also used to calculate CR contributions. Second, decree 1703 of 2002 instituted sanctions on employers if they did not ensure that self-employed workers (e.g. consultants) participated in the CR. Finally, between 2006and 2007 the Integrated Payroll Contributions Settlement system was instituted, obliging all companies and the self-employed to settle their social security payments through electronic fund transfers. While the expansion of the SR was taking place, a unique and innovative enrollment qualification criteria was used designed to give priority to targeted groups based on income level and degree of vulnerability/likely need for care, while taking into consideration the available funds. Priority was given to special populations such as orphans and the elderly, regardless of SISBEN score, which is the proxy-means test used to identify the most vulnerable members of a community. Preference was then assigned to the poor who were either pregnant, under the age of 5, displaced by violence, or disabled. The rest of the population was ordered by SISBEN score, with a score of 1 representing the most destitute and a score of 5 representing the least destitute. Once the ranked list was published, individuals signed up with an EPSS of their choice. If an individual did not sign up, he or she had to wait until the next round of affiliations to do so. Enrollment of those who were eligible was ongoing as additional funds become available. Also, after all level 1 and 2 individuals were covered, municipalities that had resources left over could begin to cover level 3 individuals. This process was slightly altered by Accord number 415 of 2009, which states that the non-affiliated, eligible population can sign up with the SR at any point during the year. In 2002 the SR enrolled 11,444,003 persons. By 2009, this number had risen to 23,804,788. An important issue is the monitoring of fraud within the SR. Starting in 2000, the government began monitoring and updating the subsidized scheme databases. This led to the expulsion of many fraudulent enrollees. By 2005, a complete database of SR enrollees had been set up and included their names, identification numbers, and the name of their EPSS. This database was completed in 2009. Beginning in 2004, there was an expansion of partial subsidies to SISBEN level 3 individuals. The UPC for this plan equals approximately 42% of the CR UPC. While this plan expands coverage to those who remain uninsured, it offers a smaller benefits package. As of March 2009 there are 1,115,789 individuals covered by partial subsidies. Lack of automatic mobility between the SR and CR upon a change in labor standing among the poor is thought to be a disincentive for Colombians to move into formal employment. The fear existed primarily among subsidized regime enrollees who would not be able to easily rejoin the SR if they lost their formal sector employment. To deal with this concern, in 2005 the government stated that a person can be reinstated into the SR within the year in case of subsequent eligibility changes. Furthermore, at the end of the year the process of re-enrolling in the SR will be quicker and easier. This change should lead to expansions in the formal workforce and higher levels of CR enrollment as more people are willing to leave the SR. Population coverage has increased significantly since the 1993 reform, with a substantial part of the growth taking place after 2002. In 1990, 15.7% of the population had health insurance coverage. By 2008 the percentage of those covered had risen to 89.36%. This is a 570% increase in coverage over an 18 year span. The populations that were most affected by the reform were the bottom 2 income quintiles. Figure II shows that coverage for quintile 1 increased by 540% while quintile 2 increased by 250% between 1992 and 2003. Figure 2 also shows that there was a drop in coverage between 1997 and 2000, with an eventual recovery in 2003. This effect was primarily caused by a severe macroeconomic recession between 1998 and 2000. The recession not only reduced formal employment, affecting enrollment in the CR as well as the solidarity contribution to the SR, but it also reduced general tax transfers to the SR. With the recession ended and renewed political support for health coverage, the growth trend continued its upward movement. General System of Social Security in HealthPopulation covered Target Populations: All populations
Coverage Level: 40,835,265 In both the CR and the SR individuals choose their insurer as well as the provider within the insurer’s network. Enrollment mechanisms between the two systems, however, are quite distinct. While anyone is free to enroll in the CR, it is mandatory for formal sector workers and self-employed workers who earn one minimum salary per month. The CR enrolled 13,335,932 persons in 2001 and 17,234,265 persons in 2008. Between 1993, when the reform was passed, and 2002, there arose the need to implement monitoring and supervision mechanisms to enforce the enrollment of self-employed workers in the CR. This has largely been achieved through two distinct methods. First, law 797 of 2003 linked pension and health insurance contributions. This affected enrollee evasion, as individuals wishing to have a pension must also have health insurance. It also affected contribution evasion, since the income level used to calculate pension contributions is also used to calculate CR contributions. Second, decree 1703 of 2002 instituted sanctions on employers if they did not ensure that self-employed workers (e.g. consultants) participated in the CR. Finally, between 2006and 2007 the Integrated Payroll Contributions Settlement system was instituted, obliging all companies and the self-employed to settle their social security payments through electronic fund transfers. While the expansion of the SR was taking place, a unique and innovative enrollment qualification criteria was used designed to give priority to targeted groups based on income level and degree of vulnerability/likely need for care, while taking into consideration the available funds. Priority was given to special populations such as orphans and the elderly, regardless of SISBEN score, which is the proxy-means test used to identify the most vulnerable members of a community. Preference was then assigned to the poor who were either pregnant, under the age of 5, displaced by violence, or disabled. The rest of the population was ordered by SISBEN score, with a score of 1 representing the most destitute and a score of 5 representing the least destitute. Once the ranked list was published, individuals signed up with an EPSS of their choice. If an individual did not sign up, he or she had to wait until the next round of affiliations to do so. Enrollment of those who were eligible was ongoing as additional funds become available. Also, after all level 1 and 2 individuals were covered, municipalities that had resources left over could begin to cover level 3 individuals. This process was slightly altered by Accord number 415 of 2009, which states that the non-affiliated, eligible population can sign up with the SR at any point during the year. In 2002 the SR enrolled 11,444,003 persons. By 2009, this number had risen to 23,804,788. An important issue is the monitoring of fraud within the SR. Starting in 2000, the government began monitoring and updating the subsidized scheme databases. This led to the expulsion of many fraudulent enrollees. By 2005, a complete database of SR enrollees had been set up and included their names, identification numbers, and the name of their EPSS. This database was completed in 2009. Beginning in 2004, there was an expansion of partial subsidies to SISBEN level 3 individuals. The UPC for this plan equals approximately 42% of the CR UPC. While this plan expands coverage to those who remain uninsured, it offers a smaller benefits package. As of March 2009 there are 1,115,789 individuals covered by partial subsidies. Lack of automatic mobility between the SR and CR upon a change in labor standing among the poor is thought to be a disincentive for Colombians to move into formal employment. The fear existed primarily among subsidized regime enrollees who would not be able to easily rejoin the SR if they lost their formal sector employment. To deal with this concern, in 2005 the government stated that a person can be reinstated into the SR within the year in case of subsequent eligibility changes. Furthermore, at the end of the year the process of re-enrolling in the SR will be quicker and easier. This change should lead to expansions in the formal workforce and higher levels of CR enrollment as more people are willing to leave the SR. Population coverage has increased significantly since the 1993 reform, with a substantial part of the growth taking place after 2002. In 1990, 15.7% of the population had health insurance coverage. By 2008 the percentage of those covered had risen to 89.36%. This is a 570% increase in coverage over an 18 year span. The populations that were most affected by the reform were the bottom 2 income quintiles. Figure II shows that coverage for quintile 1 increased by 540% while quintile 2 increased by 250% between 1992 and 2003. Figure 2 also shows that there was a drop in coverage between 1997 and 2000, with an eventual recovery in 2003. This effect was primarily caused by a severe macroeconomic recession between 1998 and 2000. The recession not only reduced formal employment, affecting enrollment in the CR as well as the solidarity contribution to the SR, but it also reduced general tax transfers to the SR. With the recession ended and renewed political support for health coverage, the growth trend continued its upward movement. |
| Mali: Mutuelles |
|
400,000 |
The Mutuelle system is still voluntary, and thus steps must be taken to bring about large-scale enrollment of the people. Thus, the “national strategy to extend health coverage through Mutuelles” contains solutions for the slow pace at which Mutuelles grew in the past, for the poor capacities of the players involved in promoting the Mutuelle movement, the management of Mutuelle movement organizations, and the lack of information and awareness about the Mutuelle movement on the national level. It was found that the principal actors were not enlisted sufficiently at the local level in the past. Health care workers, the ASACOs, and the territorial governments were only marginally involved in promoting the Mutuelle movement. By organizing Mutuelles at the commune level, the strategy seeks to have the mayors and local elected officials play an active role in mobilizing the population. Read full sectionThe Mutuelle system is still voluntary, and thus steps must be taken to bring about large-scale enrollment of the people. Thus, the “national strategy to extend health coverage through Mutuelles” contains solutions for the slow pace at which Mutuelles grew in the past, for the poor capacities of the players involved in promoting the Mutuelle movement, the management of Mutuelle movement organizations, and the lack of information and awareness about the Mutuelle movement on the national level. It was found that the principal actors were not enlisted sufficiently at the local level in the past. Health care workers, the ASACOs, and the territorial governments were only marginally involved in promoting the Mutuelle movement. By organizing Mutuelles at the commune level, the strategy seeks to have the mayors and local elected officials play an active role in mobilizing the population. The main challenge in promoting the Mutuelle movement for large-scale enrollment thus continues to be implementing a major information and awareness campaign for Mutuelles at the national scale. This is part of the national strategy and advocacy activities that also include local and national leaders . Since the AMO is mandatory, beneficiaries are enrolled automatically by withdrawing dues from their wages. Benefit eligibility begins on May 1, 2011 for those who have paid dues for six months. With regard to identifying the indigent for RAMED, the social services in each commune routinely conduct a social survey to assess the situation after interested parties submit an application. The social services or other persons may also prepare an application on behalf of someone else who has not taken the initiative to do so for several reasons. Based on the social survey, the communal authorities issue an indigent card that serves as physical evidence to enroll the member and to obtain the card from the National Medical Assistance Agency (ANAM – the management agency for RAMED) and to obtain care (including the beneficiaries whose applications are submitted to ANAM staff). The status of indigence is always considered temporary, so that the insured member’s card is annual. MutuellesPopulation covered Target Populations: Informal Sector
Coverage Level: 400,000 The Mutuelle system is still voluntary, and thus steps must be taken to bring about large-scale enrollment of the people. Thus, the “national strategy to extend health coverage through Mutuelles” contains solutions for the slow pace at which Mutuelles grew in the past, for the poor capacities of the players involved in promoting the Mutuelle movement, the management of Mutuelle movement organizations, and the lack of information and awareness about the Mutuelle movement on the national level. It was found that the principal actors were not enlisted sufficiently at the local level in the past. Health care workers, the ASACOs, and the territorial governments were only marginally involved in promoting the Mutuelle movement. By organizing Mutuelles at the commune level, the strategy seeks to have the mayors and local elected officials play an active role in mobilizing the population. The main challenge in promoting the Mutuelle movement for large-scale enrollment thus continues to be implementing a major information and awareness campaign for Mutuelles at the national scale. This is part of the national strategy and advocacy activities that also include local and national leaders . Since the AMO is mandatory, beneficiaries are enrolled automatically by withdrawing dues from their wages. Benefit eligibility begins on May 1, 2011 for those who have paid dues for six months. With regard to identifying the indigent for RAMED, the social services in each commune routinely conduct a social survey to assess the situation after interested parties submit an application. The social services or other persons may also prepare an application on behalf of someone else who has not taken the initiative to do so for several reasons. Based on the social survey, the communal authorities issue an indigent card that serves as physical evidence to enroll the member and to obtain the card from the National Medical Assistance Agency (ANAM – the management agency for RAMED) and to obtain care (including the beneficiaries whose applications are submitted to ANAM staff). The status of indigence is always considered temporary, so that the insured member’s card is annual. |
| Philippines: PhilHealth |
|
75 million |
PhilHealth coverage is theoretically available to the entire population. The enrollment process differs based on the population group. For example, all formal sector workers must enroll at the start of employment. Read full sectionPhilHealth coverage is theoretically available to the entire population. The enrollment process differs based on the population group. For example, all formal sector workers must enroll at the start of employment. The poor are identified and enrolled by the local government. The population is tagged to one of the four major population categorizations:
The benefits package is essentially the same for each population group. The exception is for indigents and the Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) who have additional outpatient primary care benefits (with the providers paid by capitation) however these benefits are available only through public providers. However, the enrollment process for each population category differs. For the formal sector, employees are enrolled upon the start of employment. It is mandatory that all employees enroll in health insurance. No exceptions are allowed for the size of the company. For the poor, the local government determines “poorness” and enrolls those who are determined poor. For the rest of the population there is open enrollment—one can walk into a local enrollment office anytime to enroll. While enrollment is mandatory only for the formal sector, for the remainder of the population, it is “construed” as voluntary although the law can be interpreted as being mandatory. There is an ongoing debate on the issue of mandated versus voluntary enrollment. Enrollment in PhilHealth is by family so the premium paid covers the member, the spouse, eligible children (those less than 21 years of age), and eligible parents (those 60 years and above and who depend financially on the member). Given that enrollment is by family, documentation of proof of marriage and birth(s) are required before spouses and children are enrolled. This is a problem for indigenous population as they usually do not have marriage and birth certificates. While the country has achieved significant strides in moving towards universal enrollment, covering the poor and informal sectors remains a challenge, with methods to enroll these populations through organized groups gaining very little traction. There is much ongoing discussion regarding the need for the central government to finance and/or subsidize the enrollment of the nation’s entire poor population. Leaving financial responsibility for insuring the poorest to local governments, coupled with a refusal to outright declare insurance as mandatory for all populations, makes it nearly impossible for the government to reach universal health coverage. It also forces PhilHealth to invest heavily in marketing campaigns for the program to local governments. PhilHealthPopulation covered Target Populations: All populations
Coverage Level: 75 million PhilHealth coverage is theoretically available to the entire population. The enrollment process differs based on the population group. For example, all formal sector workers must enroll at the start of employment. The poor are identified and enrolled by the local government. The population is tagged to one of the four major population categorizations:
The benefits package is essentially the same for each population group. The exception is for indigents and the Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) who have additional outpatient primary care benefits (with the providers paid by capitation) however these benefits are available only through public providers. However, the enrollment process for each population category differs. For the formal sector, employees are enrolled upon the start of employment. It is mandatory that all employees enroll in health insurance. No exceptions are allowed for the size of the company. For the poor, the local government determines “poorness” and enrolls those who are determined poor. For the rest of the population there is open enrollment—one can walk into a local enrollment office anytime to enroll. While enrollment is mandatory only for the formal sector, for the remainder of the population, it is “construed” as voluntary although the law can be interpreted as being mandatory. There is an ongoing debate on the issue of mandated versus voluntary enrollment. Enrollment in PhilHealth is by family so the premium paid covers the member, the spouse, eligible children (those less than 21 years of age), and eligible parents (those 60 years and above and who depend financially on the member). Given that enrollment is by family, documentation of proof of marriage and birth(s) are required before spouses and children are enrolled. This is a problem for indigenous population as they usually do not have marriage and birth certificates. While the country has achieved significant strides in moving towards universal enrollment, covering the poor and informal sectors remains a challenge, with methods to enroll these populations through organized groups gaining very little traction. There is much ongoing discussion regarding the need for the central government to finance and/or subsidize the enrollment of the nation’s entire poor population. Leaving financial responsibility for insuring the poorest to local governments, coupled with a refusal to outright declare insurance as mandatory for all populations, makes it nearly impossible for the government to reach universal health coverage. It also forces PhilHealth to invest heavily in marketing campaigns for the program to local governments. |